Bülow's "Ungarske (Hungarian)" Dragoon Regiment ca. 1710


Plate by Søren Henriksen
Text by T. Snorrason


In "Vaabenhistorisk Tidsskrift" 2002/7 (Journal of the Danish Arms and Armour Society) Henrik Vensild wrote about "A strange Danish/Norwegian pallask" that was found in one of the excavated so-called horse graves at Helsingborg. The horse graves are the mass graves where after the Battle of Helsingborg in 1710 dead horses, destroyed weapons and equipment were thrown. One can be certain of the dating of the effects, and that they came from one of the armies that took part in the battle.
Vensild has especially noted the "unattractive" brass hilt of the broken pallask, which cannot be found on any other contemporary weapons in Denmark (with the exception of an example with an iron hilt in of all places the island of Samsø), but he has found corresponding iron hilt types on complete examples in Norway. The weapon is a pallask, and the connection of this weapon to Denmark/Norway is Hungarian. This type of broadsword by itself is not uniquely Hungarian, but common in all of the border areas with the Ottoman Empire in the 16th and 17th Centuries, in that it was the most effective weapon to fight one's enemies, not the least the enemy's weapons.

The Croatian Military Historian Velimir Vuksic confirms that the pallask parts from the horse grave and the like pallasks in Norway originate from Eastern Europe. Vuksic has indicated that identical pallasks and hilts can be seen and are common in local museums. Vuksic is an expert on Eastern European cavalry, and he has illustrated many books. A couple of his illustrations have been previously published in Chakoten.

 

 

 


The word pallask is Slavic/Turkish, in Russian palás, in Polish palasz, in Hungarian pallos, Austrian Pallasch, etc. A pallask is a wide-bladed heavy broadsword approximately one meter in length; the blade is often not under 3.5-4 cm in width, often wider and double-edged. The weapon was created to be "armor penetrating", such that the trooper could cut through the mail armor of Ottoman type cavalry, where the light, curved saber was designed to cut through clothing and human tissue. The pallask hilt is found in different designs of the basket, etc. and over time the plate (cuirassiers) and thumb- loop (dragoons).

 

The pallask was used by cuirassier, dragoons and hussars in Austria up to and around 1700 - with the same blade (most often Toledo blades until the end of the War of Spanish Succession - thereafter blades were purchased from Solingen, Passau and similar places, when from about 1715 the Austrian cavalry was reequipped, but with different hilts after regimental tastes - however, typically with a flat top and not as on later Western European models with a counter weight button or ball.
But how did such a pallask end up in a horse grave from 1710 at Helsingborg and other corresponding pallasks in Norway? And what do they have to do with an illustration of a Turkish-dressed kettledrummer in a Danish dragoon regiment in 1710.


In 1701 Fredrik 4 hired out soldiers to various combatant states. To Austria among others was sent two dragoon regiments, Rodsten and Juul. Under Prince Eugene they fought first in Northern Italy against the French, and there the units each lost 50% of their strength. In 1703 they were combined and reorganized along Austrian lines and with Austrian weapons under Rodsten. (Austrian dragoon regiments had from 1702 one - over time two companies of mounted grenadiers. Their task was with pistol grenade launchers to send hand grenades in among their opponents. Instead of a pallask these grenadiers were armed with a heavy, curved saber of the same length as the pallask. Their other equipment was the same as ordinary dragoons. From 1711 the Austrian cuirassier regiments also received grenadiers, who were called karabiners.)
From 1704 the "Danish" dragoon regiment was employed against the Hungarian insurrectionists under Ragozy. When the insurrection was put down, the Kaiser wanted to rid himself of the expensive foreign auxiliary troops, and Fredrik 4 wanted to have them back for the smoldering difficulties with Sweden. One was in agreement that the dragoon regiment together with the other Danish regiments could return to Denmark in the summer of 1709. The men consisted almost exclusively of Hungarians and Germans, because replacements were enlisted locally.

At home the regiment received new uniforms, and in 1710 was sent to Scania where they took part in the Battle of Helsingborg. In 1712 the regiment took part in the Battle of Gadebusch as Bülow's "Ungarske (Hungarian)" Dragoons.
The "Ungarske" Dragoons undoubtedly retained their Austrian weapons throughout the whole period, which they and their officers maintained were far better in mounted combat than the dragoon small swords (Infanteriedegen), which otherwise were issued to dragoons. After the Battle of Helsingborg the Sjællandske Landdragoner complained about their weak dragoon swords, which were not designed for mounted combat, and asked to have them exchanged for cavalry swords. Cavalry pallasks for the heavy cavalry in Denmark first were implemented later, but it is left to Vensild to provide more on this.
On economic grounds the Danish Army was reduced in 1714, and at the same time began to introduce a common organization for all regiments. There was to be only two dragoon regiments - the Livregiment Dragoner and the newly established Schulenburg's Dragoons, both with eight companies.

The Ungarske Dragoon Regiment was broken up, among other reasons that a few of its companies performed poorly at Gadebusch in 1712. The three best companies were transferred in their entirety with officers and NCOs to the newly established Schulenburgs Dragoons, whose basis was the five companies of the Würtemburg-Öels Dragoon Regiment, which had recently returned from Flanders. The men of the fourth company of the Ungarske Dragoons were used to fill vacancies in the companies of the Würtemburg-Öels companies. If the Schulenburgs Dragoons still lacked manpower, they were to recruit from the other companies of the Ungarske dragoon companies.
Those who were discharged were supposed to turn in weapons and equipment, but were allowed to retain their uniforms. Since many of the Hungarians had their personal weapons, pallasks, one could hardly demand or get these turned in. The remaining service capable personnel from the Ungarske Dragoon Regiment were later divided among the other cavalry regiments by drawing lots. Not many "Hungarians" left Danish service, unless they absolutely wanted to, in which case they would have deserted long ago, as many had done on the march home to Denmark.

In the Kongens Håndbog (King's Handbook. Each year a little handwritten book was made for the king figuring all regiments with their officers and showing exact number of men, their nationality, weapons and equipment were accounted for down to the number of pick axes and cannon balls.) for 1714 one can see the division of men by nationality in the individual regiments, and here the Ungarske Dragoons distinguishes itself as having the lowest number of Danes of all the regiments, namely only 4%, despite the fact that the regiment had been in Denmark since 1709. The average for Danes in contemporary cavalry regiments was around 29%. For the individual regiments the number varied considerably depending on whether the regiment had been deployed outside Denmark, together with where it had been deployed in Denmark and Northern Germany. There is hardly any doubt that the composition of the Ungarske Dragoon Regiment and the other regiments returning from Austria 1709 was the basic reason that Fredrik 4 allowed the establishment of "prayer houses" for those of the men who were Muslim. It is also likely that there were many Muslims in the so-called Ungarske Cuirassier Regiment; otherwise, why would one have nicknamed them with this name. The Hungarian regiments must have stood out in a certain way, nationality, weapons or dress. No other regiment was commonly named for so long after the land in which they served or came from.

But how did the "ungarske" pallasks come to Norway? Two Danish cavalry regiments served in Norway. The 2. Jyske Cavalry Regiment under H.H. Lüttichau was sent to Norway following their participation in capture of Stralsund in 1715. They were seriously reduced and first had to be brought up to strength on Sjælland before they were sent. They returned home to Denmark in 1720. The other cavalry regiment that was sent to Norway in 1717 was the Jyske Landkyrasserer (earlier the Jyske Landdragoner) under Niels West. They returned home in 1721 and were broken up in 1721. One of these regiments could have enlisted troopers from among the discharged Ungarske Dragoons, who could well have brought their own weapons or preferred to be equipped with the well-known pallask.


Uniforms


For the "Ungarske" Dragoons there is a specification No. 134 from July 1709, where the returning troops were to receive new uniforms. The Ungarske Dragoons (Gersdorff's) were to have blue coats with orange facings and lining, but it is doubtful if they received these. In contemporary Swedish sources such as the spy report, dated December 10, 1709, from the Postmaster in Malmø, the regiment is described as having red coats with blue facings.
On the epitaph of von Pottendorf who fell in 1711 he is seen in a red coat, and the pistol holster covers are red with embroidered "flowers" in gold with gold fringe. It is not by chance that both light blue cavalry standards and dragoon colours, a kettledrum and weapons are seen.
The regiment maintained, and on several occasions petitioned the King, that they ought to be raised to a cavalry regiment (higher pay and status) because they had captured kettledrums in combat from the enemy, the Hungarian insurrectionists.
It was the custom of the time that a regiment that captured kettledrums in combat were issued these and had to use them as honour for their efforts. In this way the 5. Jyske Cavalry Regiment, which captured two French kettledrums at Ramillies in 1706, carried them until kettledrums were discontinued in the Danish cavalry. If a dragoon regiment captured them, then in time it was often promoted to a cavalry/cuirassier regiment.
The custom came to Europe from the combat against the Ottoman invasions, to which many European states sent troops. In the Ottoman Army kettledrums and horsetail standards had the same status as colours and standards had on the battlefields of Europe. In spite of its repeated petitions the Ungarske Dragoon Regiment was never promoted to a cavalry regiment. But as one can see on the epitaph the regiment carried both the "illegal" kettledrum, but also had trumpeters and standards, as well as the regulation dragoon colours with drummers and oboists.
In 1711 G.E. Bülow, commander of the Ungarske Dragoons, complained that it had been decided that in the future the regiment should have red coats with aurora and white cuffs and aurora lining, "But I have received blue cloaks and schabraques, which were to last two years, would it be better to have dark blue lining and cuffs. The old coats could also be used as kamisols."
So there are several possibilities concerning the uniform of the Ungarske Dragoons. From the time in Austria there are descriptions of gray with orange, blue with yellow cuffs and yellow with blue cuffs.

Some of the dragoons on the illustration are shown with the typical "national cap" of Eastern European cavalry of the time. When the Austrians enlisted East Europeans for newly raised dragoon regiments they received Austrian uniforms, which were only received and used under protest, they wanted to preserve their national "hussar clothes". They were denied permission. But when it came to the three-corned hat of the time, the newly enlisted refused to wear them and received permission to retain their characteristic caps. They were armed with pallask, a weapon they could handle and far better suited to mounted combat. One should remember that dragoons at this time were being used as a form of medium (and cheaper) cavalry, use dismounted as infantry rather seldom happened even though they were trained for it.
Austrians also had pure foot dragoon regiments. These were armed with infantry swords (Infanteriedegen) - not the pallask.
And so this was an attempt to explain how an Austrian pallask ended up in a horse grave 1710, together with how an exotic kettledrummer in a Danish dragoon regiment can be a possibility. The original and small oriental kettledrums today still exist in The Danish Army Museum, but are not exhibited. European kettledrums have a wider diameter than Turkish.

 


Section from the print, "Victoire signalee…a Hochstet, le 13 Aout 1704" by Romayn de Hooghe (1645-1708), Amsterdam 1704.


On the print one can experience 48 different episodes from the Battle of Höchstedt/Blenheim as a type of "collage". Topographic details and the like are not shown accurately, because de Hooghe's work had more a political and news purpose directed against France than an attempt to be minutely accurate in individual details. The illustrated figures and groups have therefore first and foremost a descriptive value, but de Hooghe also always shows many details, which are typical for the time and correct for uniforms, equipment, etc.
On this section one sees in the center the Austrian Commander, Prince Eugene, and behind him, what is most interesting here, Austrian "ungarske (Hungarian)" dragoons attacking, together with perhaps a kind of personal guard. One can clearly make out the "Hungarian" caps and their split dragoon colours. At the front one can see two oboists with false sleeves and a single trumpeter. The latter is a little surprising with a dragoon unit, but why not. Of the other characteristic figures, which have nothing to do with dragoons, but which marks Prince Eugene's "oriental" connection from combat with the Turks, one sees a Negro kettledrummer and a trumpeter in turban.
Romayn de Hooghe is the artist who created the well-known engravings from the Scanian War for Christian 5. Originally, it was Christian 5's thought to celebrate his military victories with the publication of a magnificent work in the style of his idol Louis XIV. But the Scanian War did not end especially favorable for Denmark, the plates ended up in Castle Rosenborg's cellar, and the partially completed text was never finished. Also on these engravings it is quite clear that de Hooghe did not just fantasize when he was working, but he had exact Danish sketches as a guide. One can find many of the details and composition from the engravings on both the Rosenborg Tapestries and Möinischsen's paintings in the Audience Hall of Rosenborg Castle.

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